为什么共产主义必然是人类文明的敌人Why Communism Is Inevitably an Enemy of Human Civilization

Throughout the 20th century to the present, communism has repeatedly appeared under the lofty slogan of “liberating all mankind.” Yet in practice, it has produced some of the deepest suffering in human history. Whether through the loss of tens of millions of lives or the suffocation of social vitality, communist totalitarianism has left nothing but the ruins of civilization. This article argues—through seven dimensions including structural contradictions, comparison with other totalitarianisms, clarification of the Nordic model, real-world examples, critique of leftist ideology, logic of external expansion, and consequences of globalization—why communism is inevitably the enemy of human civilization.

I. Structural Contradictions Make Totalitarianism Inevitable

The fundamental contradiction of communism lies in this: it monopolizes resources and distribution power through the state apparatus, attempting to replace market mechanisms and civic freedom with administrative fiat. This logic directly results in:

• Unlimited concentration of power — When the government controls resources, wealth, and even life-and-death decisions, any dissent is deemed a threat to the regime and must be eliminated.

• Lack of checks and balances — In a democracy, government power is constrained by votes, public opinion, and law; under communism, political and economic power merge, and oversight is eliminated.

• The inevitable slide to totalitarianism — Once the system is established, rulers will never voluntarily relinquish absolute control. Totalitarianism becomes the natural outcome of the system.

Thus, communism is inherently incompatible with democracy; it is destined to suppress human nature and dominate society.

II. Internal Class Struggle and External Expansion

Class struggle under communism is not endless. It is essentially a negative-sum, stability-maintenance exercise, and relying on internal oppression eventually leads to exhaustion. For example, Mao’s massive political campaigns, by the late years, had already burned out.

Deng Xiaoping later adopted a more cunning approach: making concessions to the West. Through economic opening and integration into globalization, the regime temporarily eased domestic tensions. But the system’s essence did not change—power remained centralized, resources monopolized, freedoms restricted. Internal contradictions persisted and required external expansion to alleviate them.

Unlike the Nazis’ violent aggression, communist expansion is often subtle and silent. From territorial disputes to extraterritorial enforcement to rewriting global economic and political rules, these are all manifestations of outward expansion. The system seeks new space and resources externally to stabilize itself internally, forming a continuous pattern of “covert aggression.”

III. Comparing Nazism and Communism

Nazism and communism share violent totalitarian traits but differ in form:

• Nazism’s external aggression is overt — War and genocide exposed its brutality to the world; concentration camps and documentary evidence could not be concealed.

• Communism targets mainly its own people — Purges, labor camps, and famines were equally cruel, but inflicted upon citizens, and hidden by information control.

Thus, Nazi crimes were highly visible and global in their victims, leaving deep public awareness. Communist crimes, however, were concealed, ongoing, and primarily domestic, making them harder for the world to grasp.

IV. The Nordic Model Is Not Communism

The Nordic welfare model is not communism but rather a stage of democratic capitalism:

• Market economy and democracy remain the foundation, with private property protected.

• Welfare operates through democratic procedures and taxation, not party-state monopoly of production.

• With globalization shocks and aging populations, high welfare has become a fiscal burden.

The Nordic model is fundamentally different from communist totalitarian logic.

V. Real-World Example: “Superficial Prosperity” and Internal Oppression in China

Even in today’s seemingly prosperous China, reality still proves communism’s structural harms:

• Persistent poverty and suffering — Ordinary people still face resource shortages and inequality in education and healthcare.

• Ongoing repression — Speech, thought, and actions are tightly controlled, with harsher oppression at the grassroots.

• Systemic continuity — Domestic tensions are eased only through external expansion, while suffering at the bottom never ceases.

Superficial prosperity is but a façade, underscoring the regime’s incompatibility with civilizational values.

VI. The Hypocrisy of the Left and the Short-Sightedness of Global Governance

Many leftists posture with lofty rhetoric, claiming to champion equality and justice, yet they ignore the immense suffering caused by communist regimes. They defend the vested interests of globalization, replacing moral judgment with faits accomplis, thus downplaying or rationalizing threats to civilization. This high-sounding but interest-driven stance exposes profound hypocrisy.

Furthermore, the growing wealth gap in Western societies is the inevitable result of leftist governance combined with globalization. Leftist policies tend to focus on short-term visible gains—through welfare, subsidies, or redistribution to win votes—while neglecting long-term structural consequences. This short-termism aligns perfectly with the electoral logic of democracies: voters reward immediate benefits and overlook long-term risks.

For instance, income inequality in the U.S. has worsened dramatically: according to World Bank data, America’s Gini coefficient rose from 0.403 in 1980 to 0.481 in 2020. The wealth share of the top 1% of households increased from 22.8% in 1989 to 30.8% in 2024. These figures demonstrate that leftist short-term policies, within the framework of globalization, have failed to mitigate wealth concentration and instead intensified inequality.

VII. The Enemy of Civilization

Communism strips freedom, destroys rule of law, eradicates pluralism, and legitimizes purges and massacres through violence and repression. Whether in the Soviet gulags, the Chinese Great Leap Forward, the Khmer Rouge, or contemporary China’s repression, systemic totalitarianism has never vanished.

Its internal oppression demands external expansion for survival—though often subtle, from territorial disputes to extraterritorial reach to rewriting the global order. The system’s essence does not change; contradictions may temporarily ease, but structural problems persist.

Meanwhile, parts of the left cloak themselves in moral high ground, hypocritically downplaying systemic dangers. In Western countries, globalization and short-term electoral logic exacerbate inequality and class rigidity, revealing the dangers of structural short-sightedness.

Conclusion

The inherent contradictions of communism make totalitarianism inevitable. Its atrocities may be concealed, but they have never ceased. Even in seemingly prosperous nations, poverty, oppression, and suffering remain, with ever harsher burdens on the weakest.

Communism is not merely a historical tragedy—it is the enemy of human civilization. Defending freedom, rule of law, and human dignity, while remaining vigilant against the short-termism of globalization-driven inequality, is the only way to prevent the recurrence of future tragedies.

纵观20世纪至今，共产主义一次次以“解放全人类”的高尚口号出现，却在实践中造成了人类史上最深重的苦难。无论是数千万条生命的消逝，还是社会活力的彻底窒息，共产主义极权留下的都是文明的废墟。本文从结构性矛盾、与其他极权的对比、北欧模式澄清、现实例证、意识形态批判、外部扩张逻辑，以及全球化治理后果七个方面，论证为什么共产主义必然是人类文明的敌人。 一、结构性矛盾决定极权必然产生 共产主义的根本矛盾在于：它通过国家机器垄断资源与分配权，试图以行政命令取代市场规律与公民自由。这一逻辑直接导致： 权力无限集中 —— 当政府掌握资源、财富与个人命运的生杀予夺权，任何异议都会被视为对政权的威胁，从而被消灭。 社会缺乏制衡 —— 在民主制度下，政府权力受到选票、舆论与法律约束；而在共产主义体制内，政治权力与经济权力合二为一，监督机制被彻底排除。 极权的必然滑坡 —— 一旦体制建立，统治者不可能主动放弃这种全方位的控制，极权就成了制度的自然结果。 因此，共产主义与民主制度本质不相容，它注定会走向对人性的压制和对社会的全面统治。 二、内部阶级斗争与外部扩张 内部阶级斗争并非永无止境。共产主义体制下，阶级斗争往往具有负生产、纯维稳性质，靠内部压迫最终难免油尽灯枯。例如，毛泽东后期的大规模政治运动，到了晚期便显示出消耗殆尽的趋势。 邓小平时期采取了更狡猾的策略：向西方服软，通过经济开放和全球化融入缓和内部矛盾。这在表面上缓解了社会矛盾，但制度本质未变——权力高度集中、资源垄断、个人自由受限。内部矛盾仍然存在，需要外部扩张来缓解。 不同于纳粹的猛烈进攻，共产主义的扩张往往潜移默化、悄无声息。从领土争端、长臂管辖到改写世界经济和政治规则，这些都是其外向扩张的表现。制度通过外部扩张获取空间和资源，以维持内部稳定，形成“隐性侵略”的连续性。 三、纳粹与共产主义极权的对比 纳粹与共产主义在暴力性质上相似，但方式不同： 纳粹对外扩张明显：战争和种族灭绝使世界直面其残酷，集中营和影像证据无法掩盖。 共产主义主要针对内部：清洗、劳改、大饥荒，手段同样残酷，但对象是自己人，且通过信息封锁长期掩盖。 因此，纳粹罪行显性而受害者遍及世界，公众认知深刻；共产主义罪行隐蔽、持续，受害者主要是本国人民，国际舆论难以感知。 四、北欧模式不是共产主义 北欧高福利制度并非共产主义，而是民主资本主义的一种阶段产物： 市场经济和民主制度仍为核心，私有财产受到保护。 福利通过民主程序和税收制度运作，而非党国垄断生产资料。 随着全球化冲击和老龄化，高福利已成为财政负担。 北欧模式与共产主义极权的本质逻辑截然不同。 五、现实例证：大陆的“外观繁荣”与内部压迫 即使在经济表面繁荣的大陆，现实仍证明共产主义结构性危害： 贫穷与苦难：底层人民仍面临资源匮乏、教育医疗不平等。 压迫持续存在：言论、行动和思想受控，末端压迫尤其严厉。 制度逻辑延续：内部矛盾缓和依赖外部扩张，社会底层苦难永无休止。 表面繁荣只是幌子，更凸显制度本质与文明价值的不相容。 六、左派的虚伪与全球化治理的短视 部分左派以崇高话语自居，号称追求平等与正义，却无视共产主义极权造成的巨大苦难。他们维护全球化既得利益，用既成事实取代道德审视，将对文明的威胁淡化甚至合理化。这种表面高尚、实则麻木和利益导向的态度，暴露了其虚伪至极的本质。 进一步地，西方社会的贫富极化趋势，正是左派治理与全球化政策的必然结果。左派政策往往关注短期可见利益，通过社会福利、补贴或调节政策赢得选民支持，而忽略长期结构性后果。这种短视恰好符合民主体制下选票逻辑：选民倾向奖励即时可见收益，而忽略长期风险。 具体而言，美国的贫富差距在过去几十年持续扩大：根据世界银行数据，美国基尼系数从1980年的0.403上升至2020年的0.481，收入分配不平等加剧 (worldpopulationreview.com )。美国最富有1%家庭的财富占比也从1989年的22.8%增加到2024年的30.8% (visualcapitalist.com )。这些数据表明，左派短期利益导向的治理在全球化背景下，未能有效缓解财富集中，反而强化了社会不平等。 七、人类文明的敌人 共产主义剥夺自由、破坏法治、摧毁多元，通过暴力和隐蔽迫害合法化清洗与屠杀。无论是苏联古拉格、中国大跃进、红色高棉，还是现代大陆的内部压迫，其制度性极权从未消失。 它的内向压迫需要外部扩张维持稳定，而这种扩张往往悄无声息，从领土争端到长臂管辖，再到改写世界秩序，潜移默化地影响全球。制度本质未变，社会矛盾可能暂时缓和，但结构性问题仍在。 同时，部分左派以道德高地掩盖现实，虚伪地淡化制度危害；在西方国家，全球化和短期选票逻辑导致贫富差距扩大，社会阶层固化，这揭示了制度性短视的危害。 结论 共产主义的根本矛盾决定了它必然产生极权，其暴行虽常被掩盖，却从未停止。即使在经济表面繁荣的国家，贫穷、压迫和苦难依然存在，末端压迫越发严酷。 共产主义不仅是历史悲剧，更是人类文明的敌人。保护自由、法治与个人尊严，并警惕全球化短视政策带来的结构性不平等，是避免未来悲剧重演的唯一途径。